You are currently browsing the monthly archive for June 2013.

1. Europhiliac minced meats given precious and dainty presentation on tuberous masses…………36

2. Insular gauche industrial tacos with aborted but aromatic gestures and greens>>>>>>>>>>>24

3. Self-absorbed (absorbant scream tofu) mousse with hints of smoke, dirt, doorjamb…………….14

4. White cheese frittata fusion Magu topped with fire jellied berries>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>21

5. Revisionist cuteness cuke tarts (non-carbolic, antihistamine, Moldovan)…………………………30

6. Timidity sandwich nickel-steamed between leafy lettuce pickle juice pittance>>>>>>>>>>>>39

7. Weak drink of melting ice over tapwater with hint of freshness lint…………………………………4

8. Nothing>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>10

Our motto: “May I help you?”

l.a. library archive4

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Alan Nakagawa in his K-town studio

Alan Nakagawa in his K-town studio

Alan Nakagawa has different experimental musicians perform in his Koreatown recording studio.

—streaming here: http://laartstream.com/ear-meal/sesshu-foster/

eladatl night station

 

AND ALSO—check out Alan Nakagawa’s sound art here: http://www.collagecollage.com/Alan%20Nakagawa.html

And read about Alan here: http://www.kcet.org/arts/artbound/counties/los-angeles/alan-nakagawa-sound-organ-of-corti.html

Poem #4

I did this before

 

 

 

 

 

I might write something perky

I might write something poignant

I might go for unexpected figures

within and without, in the concept

of the line or the totality of the poem

 

 

 

 

I will leave out mention of darkies

they can be invisible in the margins

they can act out conceptual

noise-making in white space

 

 

 

 

I might rip it up

I may reel slack syntax, pack the diction, enjamb

whatever

I might could

line break

like this

anyway, fetishizing

or not, allusive

violence or pop,

be sure it will be

cute.

 

 

 

Gee, poets bathe in the Blood of the Lamb to come out cute.

 

 

 

 

Thank you to the following journals in which poems and lines like this have appeared, often in earlier forms: Fence, Guile, American Poetry Review, Poetry, Poetry Today, Conceptual Poetry Manana, Telemarketer’s Index, Frosty Make-up, the Iowa Review, Shortly, Definitely, the Georgia Review, the Kenyon Review, the Chicago Review, the Nation, the Onion, Orion, Tricycle, Huitlacoche, Curly Fillip, the Multicultural Review, Portent. 

Thank you to family, friends, teachers, students, Birdie and Koda, who supported and believed in me all these years.

Thanks to people I see at the AWP for writing the blurbs and for special favors, this poem would never have existed without you.

Special thanks to Rina Torta, Phil Nagasaki, Homer Toribio, and Helen Vendler.

Special thanks to Chappie Fungo, Bortai Chromolophagus, Nod Bleating for the 6-pack, and Dottie Rush, your review of this manuscript on-line at the Human Pyramid of Poetry Conference was abundant and pungent as the Chevron station by the sea.

l.a. library archive1

sears1
In America, the formation of some of the very poorest parts of the cities or “ghettos” as they are sometimes called are inexorably tied to the formation of the freeways, the enforcement of restrictive covenants and simultaneously, the creation of the suburbs and the forced importance of automobiles. One could not have happened without the others, and combined together, they changed our society inconceivably. To explain the interplay of these forces fully, background information is needed.At the end of World War II, there was housing shortages in many large cities, like Los Angeles. The United States government stepped in to help alleviate this shortage of housing. The government basically instituted a number of policies that led directly to the formation and development of the American suburbs. To use Los Angeles as an example, the housing shortage was caused partly by all the soldiers returning from World War II, African Americans migrating from the South to cities like Los Angeles, combined with the fact that not many houses were built beginning at the start of the Depression and continuing through World War II. This range of sixteen years with only very few homes built contributed greatly to a shortage in the housing market. So, beginning in the 1940s and continuing through the 1960s, private land developers built 23 million new homes nationwide, with the majority of these being built in major cities like Los Angeles (Jalbert 4). Private developers built the suburbs, which were defined as residential areas at the edges of cities, to offer alternatives to urban lifestyle and living and to shorten commutes for those people who worked outside the major cities. The government made policies that offered low cost financing to millions of people. One such program was called The Veteran’s Mortgage Guarantee program. With a very small amount of money down and low monthly payments, huge numbers of people were able to buy houses in the suburbs. However, this money was only available to white people. These government policies supported the development of the suburbs since government policies helped to finance all these houses in the suburbs, and they weren’t very expensive, millions of people moved to the suburbs in force. This phenomenon, which would later be called “white flight,” which in turn, led to a decline in Los Angeles and other major cities as the urban population decreased. When the people left, many businesses went with them. When the businesses left, less job opportunities were available to the people still in the cities. This, in turn, led to more unemployment and more poverty and ultimately, crime and other more “urban” problems. Also in place, were restrictive covenants. Restrictive covenants were limits for homeowners. In many cases, they were agreements made between property owners dictating who could buy homes and who could not buy them. These covenants were used to keep minorities out of many areas. So, even if minorities could afford homes in the suburbs, they were kept out by the use of restrictive covenants. According to the web site Progressive LA, “These racist campaigns were part of a growing effort to undermine the progressive gains made since the 1930s (Progressive LA). While urban areas declined rapidly, suburban areas began to thrive economically. Businesses began to relocate to the suburbs because of increasing labor forces and cheaper land, among other factors.searsWhile many organizations were providing low-cost financing for houses in the suburbs, such as the Home Owners Loan Corporation and the Federal Housing Administration, and Veteran’s Mortgage Guarantee Program, “the FHA refused to guarantee suburban loans to poor people, nonwhites, Jews and other ‘inharmonious’ racial and ethnic groups” because the value of homes in the neighborhood, according to the FHA, would drop in value (Chudacoff, 270). People of color were not able to get these loans, hence, they were unable to move to the suburbs. This process is known as “redlining.” To sum up redlining, the FHA and other organizations would not provide loans to racially mixed communities because they were risky investments. this means that as blacks or other minorities moved in, whites either moved out right away and were paid well for their properties or stayed while the neighborhood became racially mixed and property value decreased. In the end, if they finally sold, they would lose money on their house. Another process used to “persuade” minorities to congregate in the same area was called blockbusting. This occurred when real estate agents told white people that a neighborhood was going to “tip” or become racially mixed. Whites would sell their homes cheaply, and these agents sold them back to blacks at huge profits. Again, these processes segregated neighborhoods. In other words, the government itself supported discriminatory practices by distributing money into white communities and not into those of color. Communities quickly became even more racially segregated because people of color were unable to move and whites did move. When the whites left, their money went with them. So, the jobs weren’t there. According to Sclove,”Gradually, a black and Hispanic middle-class did emerge. Its members too fled along the interstate to the suburbs, further draining economic and cultural resources from the inner city. this contributed to the emergence of a new social phenomenon: today’s desperately deprived, urban underclass” (Sclove).

Entire neighborhoods and communities first became segregated racially, and later, economically, creating the dire urban problems of today. Jalbert sums this whole argument up so well with “Suburbanization was a decidedly white experience enforced by blatant racism, unequal access to economic opportunity, and restrictive housing covenants” (Jalbert). This summarization would be hard to argue against. Housing laws clearly favored whites.

A very general scenario tracing two families from the 1940s to today would be as follows. The white family would get a loan and move out of the mixed city into a new, all-white suburb. That family would purchase a house. that house would appreciate in value each year in order to actually earn wealth for this family. Every time they made improvements, such as adding a room or garage or painting a bedroom, or simply remodeling, their house would appreciate in value. Their children would be able to go to decent schools because of where their house is located. The higher property tax base makes the schools good. Their children could pursue a post-secondary education because even if the family didn’t have the money in the bank for this to happen, they could take out a loan with their house as collateral or a mortgage on their house. And now for the second scenario…

The black family would be stuck in what was once a mixed city. In addition to the original, established, African American community, there would be a large influx of African Americans from the South, as well as persons of Mexican, Caribbean, and Latin American origin. The members of the black family would have to compete against these new people for jobs. In the 1950s or so, the government would decide to build a highway or begin a project of urban renewal in their neighborhood and demolish their house. They would lose any money they invested in their home. They may then be put into public housing if they had no money to buy another house or rent an over-priced apartment. they now exist in high rise buildings gridlocked by elevated highways that cut them off from others and from “living spaces that promote social interaction and daily commerce, social control, and neighborliness” (Venkatesh 9). They have no house to mortgage to send their kids on to school. Their kids would have a hard time anyway because property taxes cannot raise enough to maintain the schools or provide a quality education. for members of the human race, this is a pretty dismal picture.

l.a. library archive

“It’s a construction plan of epic proportions. They’re calling it [portentous pause] a freeway! Eight lanes of shimmering cement running from here to Pasadena! I see a place where people get on and off the freeway, off and on, off and on, all day and night…I see a street of gas stations, inexpensive motels, restaurants that serve rapidly prepared food, tire salons, automobile dealerships, and wonderful, wonderful billboards as far as they eye can see. My god, it’ll be beautiful!” No, this is not the work of an economic theorist or a predictor of the future. This is a scene from the movie Roger Rabbit where Judge Doom sells off the streetcar system to create this society. Does it sound familiar? This leads to the idea of the freeway. What the viewer of the movie knows is that this is exactly what happened.

So, where do the freeways come into this picture and what role did they play? Simultaneously, as all of these things were happening, freeways were being built. These freeways made travel very efficient back and forth to and from the suburbs. This made people rely on the automobile rather than public transportation because public transportation did not go to the suburbs. As Marshall Berman says in All That Is Solid Melts Into Air, “The motive forces in this reconstruction were the multibillion-dollar Federal Highway Program and the vast suburban housing initiatives of the Federal Housing Administration. This new order integrated the whole nation into a unified flow whose lifeblood was the automobile. It conceived of cities principally as obstructions to the flow of traffic, and as junkyards of the substandard housing and decaying neighborhoods from which Americans should be given every chance to escape. Thousands of urban neighborhoods were obliterated…”(Berman 288).

The development of these freeways was also supported by the government. Freeways were developed from the 1940s through the 1960s through government policies, such as a 50/50 matching program by the Bureau of Public Roads. Freeways connected the suburban areas that were spatially isolated from the rest of Los Angeles. Because of these freeways, life in suburbia became even more appealing because now suburbanites could travel from their homes to the city in a short time. Now, even more people who worked in the inner cities moved to the suburbs because travel was so much more efficient. From this reading so far, it sounds as though freeways were godsends to the American public. However, as much as they did help the people of suburban communities, they were equally destructive to the communities of the inner cities.

When the freeways were built through inner city neighborhoods, people of color were paid, although not well for their houses in order to build the freeways. However, many people of color did not own their houses so they were simply relocated. Many of these dislocated people were forced into housing projects, and these failed widely all over the country. Urban housing was essentially destroyed while suburban housing was on the rise, AND subsidized by the government. Black ghettos were created. Freeways were linked to housing discrimination and apartheid in America. Fotsch contends that “the freeway is part of dominant narratives which view African-American and Latino residents of the central city as largely responsible for the conditions of poverty and violence amidst which they live” (47). Fotsch also calls the freeway “a symbol of isolation and isolatability” (52). Professor Mohl from The University of Alabama at Birmingham said, “Highways cut apart cities, destroying wide swaths of homes and workplaces, disrupting and uprooting communities and forcing many into public housing” in The Interstates and the Cities: Highways, Housing, and the Freeway Revolt, (Mohl 1) He continues to say that, “in retrospect it now seems apparent that public officials and policy makers, especially at the state and local levels used expressway construction to destroy low income and especially Black neighborhoods in an effort to reshape the physical and racial landscapes of the postwar American city (Mohl 1). In Toll Roads and Free Roads, a report by McDonald and Associates, the authors made a strong case that highway planning should take place within the context of an ongoing program of slum clearance and urban development (Wallace). Because land acquisition in these slum areas and highway construction and urban development would result in the “elimination of unsightly and unsanitary districts when land values are constantly depreciating (Wallace).

The problem also becomes that suburban residents still came into the city to work, but they no longer paid taxes, which further drained resources. Suburbanites essentially paid nothing for the maintenance in the city. The income tax base that kept the city afloat is gone, so the streets are dirtier and fewer services are provided there. Consequently, people don’t want to live there. It is all a big circle.

l.a. library archive4

With the creation of the freeways, the importance of cars themselves came to be. People now needed cars to commute to work.

“It is widely assumed that Americans’ infatuation with cars led to the construction of America’s superhighways. But actually when Congress passed the Interstate Highway Act in 1956, car sales were slack, and there was no popular clamor for building a new road system. At the time only about half of American families owned an automobile; everyone else depended on public transportation. Congress was responding to aggressive lobbying by auto makers and road builders, plus realtors who saw profits in developing suburban subdivisions” (Sclove 2).

So, the construction of the freeways was first, which brought about the importance of the automobile. Many people thrived with this push, and others did not.

 

This Interstate Highway Act of 1956 changed many things dramatically. “The Act’s key provisions included support for bringing highways directly into city centers and earmarking gasoline tax revenues for highway construction. As the interstate highways were built, city and suburban development adapted to the quickening proliferation of autos. Soon more Americans found themselves forced to buy a car in order to be able to shop or hold a job. The Highway Trust Fund, by assuring the rapid atrophy of competing public transit systems, bolstered this trend. (Sclove ).

Public transportation was hurt dramatically by the freeway and interstate highway. This highway system of 42,500 roads linked together cities across America while cutting the cities themselves up into tiny, isolated sections. Thus, the car became the symbol for Americans of freedom and modern life. This American reliance on the car didn’t just change something; the car changed everything.

“Their popularity led to the reconstruction of the cityscape, widened streets, parking lots, gas stations, and, in the post-war era as automobiles became a mass-market consumable, the dismantling of urban trolley systems such as those that once operated in Los Angeles and the Bay Area ((Jalbert).

The car changed the very landscape of America. the once-vital urban areas are barren; and people walk aimlessly at the strip malls in the suburbs. Everyone with a car is on the road while public transportation gets sparser and less funding. This harmed inner city residents even more as they are the ones who rely on public transportation.

To sum this up thus far, these freeways divided neighborhoods, mostly communities of color. Suburbs mainly consisted of white people, and inner cities consisted mostly of people of color. Whites were typically able to resist the building of freeways in their communities while people of color were not. The suburbs were already racially separated by organizations like the Federal Housing Administration, but now freeways became physical borders between whiteness and color. These freeways essentially served as barriers between the rich and the poor, the white and the nonwhite. Ronald Greene calls this “the racing and placing of populations” (Greene 39). Many, many acres of the inner cities were bulldozed for the creation of these freeways. “Huge expressway interchanges, cloverleafs, and access ramps created enormous areas of dead and useless space in the central cities” (Mohl 12).

In addition to creating ghettoes, the freeways and automobiles created environmental problems galore, such as air and noise pollution. Again, race and wealth played a big role on the communities who were hit with these things. The Soho Street school, for example is built in Boyle Heights where a tri-level freeway exchange has been build. “The school has no auditorium or cafeteria, so students meet and eat outside. Walls of portable classrooms vibrate when trucks go by and do little to keep out the noise. When Margarita Sanchez, a nurse and mother of two children in the school, began walking her children to school, she felt like she was ‘suffocating from the pollution and noise of the diesel trucks traveling to the nearby freeway onramps” (Prussel 1). The community did get together to get a sound wall from Caltrans, but was denied. They did get the regulatory committee to install an air quality monitor. Initial reports from the Air Resources Board showed that 16 of the 22 days tested, the air at Soho St. School violated the state standard for particulate air (Prussel 1). Freeways greatly impact air quality, and the further away from a freeway a neighborhood is, the better the air quality.

Much land in inner cities was also bulldozed for urban renewal projects. In other words, low income housing was removed to make way for new development, and those in charge gave little thought to the people who were displaced. Many of these urban renewal sites were vacant for years. According to Wendell Cox in “The Role of Urban Planning in the Decline of American Central Cities, “Some lots cleared in the 1960s in Los Angeles Bunker Hill redevelopment project were still undeveloped 40 years later” (Cox 9). Urban renewal policies have decimated many poor and working class neighborhoods. These taken along with freeway construction and displacement have made the modern ghetto. Experience suggests it helps poor people to live with the working and middle classes, rather than be segregated into ghettoes. ). People tend to believe that those in poverty don’t need the playgrounds or any of the other recreational space because people in poverty don’t appreciate their neighborhood. (Modem). Such neighborhood integration provides positive role models (people whose lives are getting better, whose lives are active, and who work for a living.

 

Also, inherent in this plan for freeways and other urban renewal projects is that lawmakers made these changes, such as urban planning initiatives and construction of freeways in areas where they would not meet political resistance. This means that more projects were developed in low income areas than anywhere else. “The areas that urban planners deemed to be slums or derelict development, however, were home to the residents who lived there, the small businesses that served them. The strength of many such communities was either not perceived by the planners or not of interest to them. They leveled communities often occupied by African Americans who had recently arrived from the rural South” (Cox 9). Urban renewal is nothing less than an attack on the poor. Many poverty-stricken neighborhoods are seen as blight” for the city to be rid of. Because the poor do not have the necessary political connections, they are rarely able to successfully fight such land-grabs. The result is that neighborhoods — of many years existence, with their own intricate civil societies and social networks among people — are destroyed for the private profit of the wealthy. In place of the living neighborhoods, the freeways or empty parking lots or even upscale housing is built.

California Hwy 105 (Caltran 105) is an example of many of the principles previously discussed. In an interview with Joyce Perkins, Executive Director of LANI (Los Angeles Neighborhood Initiative), she discussed California Highway 105, and the fact that originally it was supposed to go through Beverly Hills, but “it kept getting moved further and further south until it reached a place called Berkeley Square” (Perkins). it seems no coincidence that Beverly hills is wealthy and Berkeley Square is not or that Los Angeles inner city residents have already been chopped into pieces by the Harbor, Long Beach, Santa Monica, or Century Freeways. Joyce Perkins added, “that it was easy enough to build through this area because this African American community did not have enough power or voice to keep the project from occurring there. In other neighborhoods, such as Beverly hills, people, mostly white, had much more power and had voice and strong stakeholder participation so they were able to keep this project from occurring in their area” (Perkins).

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A case to document the above principles is Boyle Heights community and surrounding areas like the Chavez Ravine. Boyle Heights used to be kind of an immigrant center. before the 1950s and 60s, it had a large Japanese population, who left to be interned for World War II and never returned. it also had a large Jewish population who moved to the suburbs. it this point it became largely populated by Mexicans. It was one of the few places open to them due to restrictive covenants. “Restrictive racial covenants typically excluded the Spanish-speaking from desirable suburbs. the new barrios were established in sections of town that other more affluent groups refused to inhabit” (Bustamante and Castillo 127). Things like freeway construction and urban renewal began to happen in this area and because it was poor, the community did not have the resources to fight the proposals. “Thirty-five years of intense freeway construction eliminated 2,900 homes, displaced 10,000 people and left noise and air pollution in its wake. Schools are crowded. Housing is scarce, and most of the housing that does exist is owned by absentee landlords. Unemployment is higher than in most other areas of the city. There is a sense that the community has little or no political power and is largely ignored by city government (Sahagun 1). According to Sahagun as well, after WWII, the rail lines took ¼ of Boyle Heights western and southern parts. The freeway system including San Bernadino, Santa Ana, the Golden State, Santa Monica and Pomona took another 12% of the land available in Boyle heights. (Sahagun) Four major highways were built through here-two in the 1940s and two in the 1960s. Boyle Heights has suffered greatly. The community is separated into four smaller areas, which has resulted in inadequate services to these neighborhoods.

Acuna goes as far as to say that “Two of the most spectacular instances of spatial violation against Mexicans and other poor people in the central city was the displacement of barrios in Chavez Ravine to the north for the construction of Dodger Stadium and the vivisection of Boyle heights and the greater Eastside barrios to make up for the way the East L.A. freeway interchange and several highways that radiated from it” (Acuna). According to Hines, Chavez Ravine was located on a “315-acre parcel of hilly, wooded, and picturesque ‘rural’ land very near the center of downtown Los Angeles” (Hines 123). At first this area was supposed to become a place for a public housing project, and then it was to house the stadium.

As shown, the intermingling of the concepts of segregation, race, and poverty with the concepts of freeway construction, urban renewal programs, and the rise of the automobile is almost as twisted as the cloverleaf freeway. It is impossible to understand how just one of these factors plays out because each one is so intertwined with the next one. It is clear that freeway construction and urban renewal played and continues to play a huge role in the racial separation of our nation. This in turn, ties into so many other areas. Many minorities are where they are because of racist policies of the federal government, giving low interest loans to one race but not to another or dismissing the importance of low-income communities in favor of fast-access freeways. Because minorities are racially segregated, they go to the worst schools and get the worst education, which increases their chances of continuing to be racially segregated.

The political ramifications of these government-sponsored loans for highways and housing are huge. They contributed to the fall of the mom and pop businesses and the rise of huge conglomerations or malls of the suburbs. Money was taken out of once-thriving urban areas and redistributed in the suburbs. This led to less control of neighborhood economic forces (if there was such things as neighborhoods), since companies were larger and based somewhere else. If more people had been involved in the process of the creation of our road system, the road system may be smaller today. America may have invested more in its system of public transport, like Europe did. America may be less dependent on foreign goods with more unified neighborhoods and a closer sense of community without the problems associated with urban sprawl. America may be less isolated, both in the cities and the suburbs. While the cities are noisy and dangerous, and in the ghettoes, many people isolate themselves, the suburbs are also isolated. People stopped sitting on the front porch in the evening. Suburbs without sidewalks greatly lessened the chance that someone might stroll by on a leisurely walk. Suburban housewives found themselves alienated from the rest of the world.

Eric Avila so forcefully sums up the entire problem in Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight. “But as racial privilege sustained by redlining, blockbusting, restrictive covenants, and municipal incorporation, as well as by outright violence, federally sponsored suburbanization removed an expanding category of “white” Americans from what deteriorated into inner-city reservations of racialized poverty. The collusion of public policy and private practices enforced a spatial distinction between “black” cities and “white” suburbs and gave shape to what the Kerner Commission, a presidential commission appointed to assess the causes of the 1965 Watts Riots in Los Angeles, identified as ‘two species, one black, one white-separate and unequal” (Avila 5). Now Joyce Perkins does tell us that times are a-changin’. LAX now wants to expand, but there are neighborhood councils and focus groups providing people with a voice in their own neighborhoods. We must do more not to allow this forced segregation to occur again, and to fix the problems that have already been made. It seems that true urban renewal would involve creating affordable housing for the people of these neighborhoods. It might also provide access to quality education and quality jobs. These jobs could earn at least a living wage so that people did have some choice as to where they lived. Employers and government could respect the rights of these people. It is time that the people of these communities or any communities are listened to. Progress is great, but it also creates many other problems. How much money a neighborhood has should not matter in the health and happiness of America’s people. yes, true urban renewal would involve a renewal in the way these places are seen and perceived as well as the discriminatory history.

l.a. library archive1

Works Cited

Acuna, Rodolfo. Anything But Mexican. Verso: New York, 1995.

Avila, Eric, Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight, Fear and Fantasy in suburban

Los Angeles. American Crossroads 13. Accessed on April 2, 2007 at

http://www.ucpress.edu/books/pages/9982/9982.ch01.html

Berman, Marshall, All That Is Melts Into Air, New York: Penguin Books, 1988.

Bustamonte, Rios and Castillo, Pedro, An Illustrated History of Mexican Los Angeles

1781-1985. LA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center Publications, 1986.

Chudacoff, Howard. “The Politics of Growth in the Era of Suburbanization, 1945-1974,

in Chudacoff and Smith, The Evolution of American Urban Society, pp. 263-296.

Cox, Wendell, Demographia: The Role of Urban Planning in the Decline of American

Central Cities, Accessed March 29, 2007 at http://demographia.com/db-xplannerscities.pdf

Fotsch, Paul Mason, “The Building of a Superhighway Future at the New York World’s

Fair,” Cultural Critique, 48 (Spring 2001), 65-9.

Greene, Ronald Walter, Malthusian Worlds: U.S. Leadership and the Governing of the

Population Crisis, 1939.

Hines, Thomas S., “housing, baseball, and creeping socialism: the battle of Chavez ravine, Los Angeles 1949-1959, Journal of Urban History, Sage Publications, vol. 8. no. 2, February 1982.

Jalbert, Matthew, “Burbs, Blockbusting, and Blacks: Morphosis of the Postwar

American City, “Radical Urban Theory, Accessed March 29, 2007, at

Perkins, Joyce, Personal Interview. April 1, 2007.

Sclove, Richard, “The Ghost in the Modem,” The Washington Post, Sunday, May 29,

1994.

Torre, de la, Emmanuel, Racial Violence in LA, Accessed March 26, 2007 at

http://www.studentretentioncenter.ucla.edu/sfiles/Racial_Violence_LA.htm

Venkatesh, Sudhir Alladi, American Projects, Cambridge: Harvard University Press,

2000.

Access to Catholic School Justice Teaching housing and urban renewal Accessed March

29, 2007, at http://justpeace.org/structures/housing.htm

Prussel, Deborah and Tepperman, Jean. September-October 2001.

Sahagun, Louis, “Boyle Heights Problems, Pride and Promise” Accessed April 1, 2007,

at http://www.latinosandmedia.org/jawards/works/LAT83_011.html

Timeline of Notable Events of the Interstate Highway System in California. Accessed April 1, 2007, athttp://www.dot.ca.gov/interstate/timeline.htm

Wallace, Henry A. to Roosevelt, Franklin D, February 13, 1939, Copy of Bureau of Public Records, RG 30, Classified Central Files 4107, National Archives II, College Park, MD.

http://www.childproofing.org/cslzstories.html

Venkatesh, American Project

Published by Julie Moore at http://voices.yahoo.com/freeways-suburbanization-segregation-386025.html?cat=37

I am a high school English teacher of 15 years who has recently moved to the field of Educational Adminstration.

"This summer, Machine has invited 30 artists to create 30 new projects that respond to 30 notable architectural sites around the city of Los Angeles. The events range in size and scope and include a tract home light show, a lecture on ninetheenth-century aquaria inside a $3 million Frank Gehry-designed aquarium, a cave concert, an experimental theater piece performed in the only Schindler spec home ever built, a movement piece for pregnant performers in a domed church, collaborative walking tours, a theatrical performance of The Odyssey set in a Honda Odyssey circling the freeways, and a Miracle Mile memorial Starline bus tour guided by the spirit of Whitney Houston."

“This summer, Machine has invited 30 artists to create 30 new projects that respond to 30 notable architectural sites around the city of Los Angeles. The events range in size and scope and include a tract home light show, a lecture on ninetheenth-century aquaria inside a $3 million Frank Gehry-designed aquarium, a cave concert, an experimental theater piece performed in the only Schindler spec home ever built, a movement piece for pregnant performers in a domed church, collaborative walking tours, a theatrical performance of The Odyssey set in a Honda Odyssey circling the freeways, and a Miracle Mile memorial Starline bus tour guided by the spirit of Whitney Houston.”

Field Guide will culminate with a final screening of short films made in conjunction with each project. The Machine Project Field Guide to L.A. Architecture is part of Pacific Standard Time Presents: Modern Architecture in L.A. This collaboration, initiated by the Getty, brings together several local arts institutions for a wide-ranging look at the postwar built environment of the city as a whole, from its famous residential architecture to its vast freeway network, revealing the city’s development and ongoing impact in new ways. http://www.pacificstandardtimepresents.org/ Major support for The Machine Project Field Guide to L.A. Architecture has been provided by the Getty Foundation."

“Field Guide will culminate with a final screening of short films made in conjunction with each project. The Machine Project Field Guide to L.A. Architecture is part of Pacific Standard Time Presents: Modern Architecture in L.A. This collaboration, initiated by the Getty, brings together several local arts institutions for a wide-ranging look at the postwar built environment of the city as a whole, from its famous residential architecture to its vast freeway network, revealing the city’s development and ongoing impact in new ways. http://www.pacificstandardtimepresents.org/ Major support for The Machine Project Field Guide to L.A. Architecture has been provided by the Getty Foundation.”

" Led by Ken Ehrlich and an invited collaborator, each walk will present a framed experience of a part of the city, rather than a narration or tour of architectural history. We will re-consider the built environment and highlight ignored, forgotten, overlooked and “ordinary” spaces. Topics of discussion will include the relationship between plan and use: namely, the way that architecture and urban planning produce a set of contradictions between the way space is designed and the way it is used."

” Led by Ken Ehrlich and an invited collaborator, each walk will present a framed experience of a part of the city, rather than a narration or tour of architectural history. We will re-consider the built environment and highlight ignored, forgotten, overlooked and “ordinary” spaces. Topics of discussion will include the relationship between plan and use: namely, the way that architecture and urban planning produce a set of contradictions between the way space is designed and the way it is used.”

"Artist Ken Ehrlich and Sesshu Foster will lead a participatory walk through East L.A. Topics will include poetic interruptions, displaced monuments, the named, unnamed and unnameable."

“Artist Ken Ehrlich and Sesshu Foster will lead a participatory walk through East L.A. Topics will include poetic interruptions, displaced monuments, the named, unnamed and unnameable.”

Oye a tu masa, a tu cometa, escúchalos; no gimas de memoria, gravísimo cetáceo; oye a la túnica en que estás dormido, oye a tu desnudez, dueña del sueño. Relátate agarrándote de la cola del fuego y a los cuernos en que acaba la crin su atroz carrera; rómpete, pero en círculos; fórmate, pero en columnas combas; descríbete atmosférico, ser de humo, a paso redoblado de esqueleto. ¿La muerte? ¡Opónle todo su vestido! ¿La vida? ¡Opónle parte de tu muerte! Bestia dichosa, piensa; dios desgraciado, quítate la frente. Luego, hablaremos. Cesar Vallejo 29 Octubre 1937

Oye a tu masa, a tu cometa, escúchalos; no gimas
de memoria, gravísimo cetáceo;
oye a la túnica en que estás dormido,
oye a tu desnudez, dueña del sueño.
Relátate agarrándote
de la cola del fuego y a los cuernos
en que acaba la crin su atroz carrera;
rómpete, pero en círculos;
fórmate, pero en columnas combas;
descríbete atmosférico, ser de humo,
a paso redoblado de esqueleto.
¿La muerte? ¡Opónle todo su vestido!
¿La vida? ¡Opónle parte de tu muerte!
Bestia dichosa, piensa;
dios desgraciado, quítate la frente.
Luego, hablaremos.
Cesar Vallejo 29 Octubre 1937

"This event is part of a four-part series Walking places: Four Walks in Los Angeles , a series of playful, absurd, critical and activity-based walks in different parts of the city that will examine the architectural landscape up close and reveal Los Angeles as a space of ghosts, projections, limits and possibilities. Please be prepared to walk for approx. two hours. Think footwear, hats, sunscreen, water, and whatever else you’ll need to wander for a good bit."

“This event is part of a four-part series Walking places: Four Walks in Los Angeles , a series of playful, absurd, critical and activity-based walks in different parts of the city that will examine the architectural landscape up close and reveal Los Angeles as a space of ghosts, projections, limits and possibilities. Please be prepared to walk for approx. two hours. Think footwear, hats, sunscreen, water, and whatever else you’ll need to wander for a good bit.”

16 of us started out from the Gold Line station at First Street and Soto, Ken Erhlich, Mitch from Newhall, Andrew Vasquez and Selene Santiago via Casa 0101, Miriam with a little dog, Ken's mom and his wife Janet and daughter Lena (3), Romeo and Carribean and Aura (2) of the South El Monte Art Posse, Citlali Foster who took all these photos, Emily, and we rolled up First Street to Otomisan, where I made mention of  1960s Japanese American restaurant layout and ordinary menu (in contradiction to the Tenno Japanese Mexican Bar and Grill kitty corner across the street which serves contemporary style Korean sushi under big screen TVs). These places manifest the last hold outs of the once much larger Japanese American community of Boyle Heights. Likie the Jewish merchants of Brooklyn Avenue a block to the north, who are gone now (and the avenue renamed Cesar Chavez), Japanese Americans settled in Boyle Heights a century ago, in part due to racist restrictive real estate covenants elsewhere in the city.

16 of us started out from the Gold Line station at First Street and Soto, Ken Erhlich, Mitch from Newhall, Andrew Vasquez and Selene Santiago via Casa 0101, Miriam with a little dog, Ken’s mom and his wife Janet and daughter Lena (3), Romeo and Carribean and Aura (2) of the South El Monte Art Posse, Citlali Foster who took all these photos, Emily, and we rolled up First Street to Otomisan, where I made mention of 1960s Japanese American restaurant layout and ordinary menu (in contradiction to the Tenno Japanese Mexican Bar and Grill kitty corner across the street which serves contemporary style Korean sushi under big screen TVs). These places manifest the last hold outs of the once much larger Japanese American community of Boyle Heights. Like the Jewish merchants of Brooklyn Avenue a block to the north, who are gone now (and the avenue renamed Cesar Chavez), Japanese Americans settled in Boyle Heights a century ago, in part due to racist restrictive real estate covenants elsewhere in the city.

I was fitted with a remote mic which was broadcasting all the way to the cotel de pulpo in 7 Mares afterwards, and we were followed from a distance by videographers from Machine Project.

I was fitted with a remote mic which was broadcasting all the way to the coctel de pulpo in 7 Mares afterwards, and we were followed from a distance by videographers from Machine Project.

We had a good day, water, strollers, breezes, wispy cirrus cloud cover, some had sunscreen, we were good, strolling from Otomisan past Rissho Kosei Kei and adjacent Nichiren Shu Buddhist temples.

We had a good day, water, strollers, breezes, wispy cirrus cloud cover, some had sunscreen, we were good, strolling from Otomisan past Rissho Kosei Kei and adjacent Nichiren Shu Buddhist temples.

We walked past the Konko Church, a 1935 Shinto church where neighborhood guys were hanging out on the porch.

We walked past the Konko Church, a 1935 Shinto church where neighborhood guys were hanging out on the porch.

The tombstone etching and carving shops at the the corner of First and Evergreen (across the street from the cemetery) are gone, replaced by a giant hole in the ground, site of the foundation for a new tenement apartment complex, one of those big ugly stucco box jobs.

The tombstone etching and carving shops at the the corner of First and Evergreen (across the street from the cemetery) are gone, replaced by a giant hole in the ground, site of the foundation for a new tenement apartment complex, one of those big ugly stucco box jobs.

My neighbor, Sheldon Dingle, used to teach judo at the Buddhist temple's dojo, when I took my kids there in the mid-1990's. Now Sheldon is too old, and sometimes leaves his bull terrier George at home when he goes on walks, because George pulls hard.

My neighbor, Sheldon Dingle, used to teach judo at the Buddhist temple’s dojo, when I took my kids there in the mid-1990’s. Now Sheldon is too old, and sometimes leaves his bull terrier George at home when he goes on walks, because George pulls hard.

 Hear your mass, your comet, listen to them; don’t moan by heart, most ponderous cetacean; hear the tunic in which you sleep, hear your nakedness, mistress of the dream. Relate to yourself grasping the tail of fire and the horns in which the mane ends its atrocious race;  break yourself, but in circles; shape yourself, but in curved columns; describe yourself atmospheric, being of smoke, in the double-quick step of a skeleton. Death? Oppose it with all your clothes! Life? Oppose it with all your death! Fortunate beast, think; unfortunate god, take off your forehead. Then, we will talk.  Cesar Vallejo 29 Octubre 1937  translated by Clayton Eshleman


Hear your mass, your comet, listen to them; don’t moan
by heart, most ponderous cetacean;
hear the tunic in which you sleep,
hear your nakedness, mistress of the dream.
Relate to yourself grasping
the tail of fire and the horns
in which the mane ends its atrocious race;
break yourself, but in circles;
shape yourself, but in curved columns;
describe yourself atmospheric, being of smoke,
in the double-quick step of a skeleton.
Death? Oppose it with all your clothes!
Life? Oppose it with all your death!
Fortunate beast, think;
unfortunate god, take off your forehead.
  Then, we will talk.                                                                                                                                                                                             
                                                                                                                                          Cesar Vallejo 29 Octubre 1937
translated by Clayton Eshleman

We entered Evergreen Cemetery, reputed the oldest cemetery in Los Angeles (not counting the mass graves of Indians in an around the Spanish missions of course), where Selene read this poem from Luis Rodriguez's The Concrete River, "Dancing on a Grave": Old Man Lopez--- with 14 children from four wives--- wanted to be buried with Sinaloenses dancing on his grave to the tune of  "La Ultima Paranda" and Mexican beer  poured over the casket in the sign of the cross.

We entered Evergreen Cemetery, reputed the oldest cemetery in Los Angeles (not counting the mass graves of Indians in an around the Spanish missions of course), where Selene read this poem from Luis Rodriguez’s The Concrete River, “Dancing on a Grave”:
Old Man Lopez—
with 14 children
from four wives—
wanted to be buried
with Sinaloenses
dancing on his grave
to the tune of
“La Ultima Paranda”
and Mexican beer
poured over the casket
in the sign of the cross.

I pointed off to the north along Evergreen Ave., in the mythical direction of Manuel's El Tepeyac, home of Manuel's Special where if you ate the whole thing you got it free, but many died in the attempt so they had to give it up and just charge regular prices for it (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mCEgXV0UjUg) and told how my aunt and uncle met at the Fellowship House a block away. I was going to point out the Brooklyn Tire Co. across the street on Cesar Chavez, still said "Brooklyn Tire Co.," but I was busy talking to Carribean and carrying Aura. who was too polite to ask why was I carrying her and not her mom.

I pointed off to the north along Evergreen Ave., in the mythical direction of Manuel’s El Tepeyac, home of Manuel’s Special where if you ate the whole thing you got it free, but many died in the attempt so they had to give it up and just charge regular prices for it (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mCEgXV0UjUg) and told how my aunt and uncle met at the Fellowship House a block away. I was going to point out the Brooklyn Tire Co. across the street on Cesar Chavez, still said “Brooklyn Tire Co.,” but I was busy talking to Carribean and carrying Aura. who was too polite to ask why was I carrying her and not her mom.

Creating Multiracialism on the Eastside during the 1950s George J. Sánchez Two magazine articles published in the mid-1950s pointed to the Boyle Heights neighborhood in East Los Angeles as an "example of democratic progress" to a national audience. The first, published in October 1954 in Fortnight, focused on the diverse group of Boyle Heights residents and organizations that gathered together to fight the proposed $32 million Golden State Freeway that would invade Hollenbeck Park and destroy some of the oldest mansions and social service agencies headquartered on Boyle Avenue. This article claimed that "few districts in America are as ethnically dynamic, religiously and politically tolerant, and community proud" as Boyle Heights. Its population was depicted as more civic-minded than the residents of any other neighborhood, with more than a hundred coordinating councils, fifty community centers and associations, and "probably more social workers per cubic feet of sorrow than anywhere else in the world." While this article and a similar one that followed in Frontier in 1955, "U.N. in Microcosm," both saw the Mexican-American dominated Community Services Organization (CSO) as the most vibrant organization in the Boyle Heights scene, they credited the Jewish community for first instilling a spirit of working together across ethnic lines. "It was the Jews who supplied the initial energy to create ethnic understanding and work-activities on the Heights," reported Fortnight, while Frontier proclaimed that "the Jews have worked hard for the advancement of the area as a whole." Both articles referred to the support of the Jewish community for Mexican-American Edward Roybal for city council, even when he ran against "one of their own." Joe Kovner, publisher of the Eastside Sun and member of the Eastside Jewish Community Center Board, was highlighted as having campaigned vigorously for Roybal and quoted as saying, "Eddie was the best man. What's good for Boyle Heights is good for the Jews. We keep pounding away on the theme of sticking together. An injury to one is an injury to all." These articles were written at a time, however, when Boyle Heights was becoming less, not more, ethnically diverse. By 1955, Mexicans had grown to form almost half of the Boyle Heights residents, and it appeared that their numbers would only increase dramatically over the next few years. The Jewish population, by contrast, had plummeted by more than 72 percent in the past fifteen years, and now made up less than 17 percent of the area's population. The Boyle Heights community, once considered the centerpiece of Jewish life in Los Angeles, had collapsed in the postwar period due to out-migration. Other ethnic communities, most notably the Japanese American and African American populations, had held steady at less than 5 percent since 1945. Why then, in the wake of Mexican ascendancy and lessened demographic diversity, did Boyle Heights gain a reputation as the seat of "democratic progress" for Los Angeles of the mid-1950s? The answer lies, in large part, on the actions of a select group of Jewish residents of Boyle Heights in the late 1940s and 1950s that either remained in Boyle Heights or moved into the area as most others were moving out. These residents came from both liberal and leftist political viewpoints and were committed to building a new multiracial community in Boyle Heights, while Southern California as a whole was becoming more suburban and conservative. Fighting the literal geographic movement of Jews into white America, they collaborated with leaders from the growing Mexican American population and from the smaller ethnic communities on the Eastside to leave a legacy of political interracialism, commitment to civil rights, and a radical multiculturalism in Boyle Heights, despite the growing conservative climate of the 1950s. http://muse.jhu.edu/login?auth=0&type=summary&url=/journals/american_quarterly/v056/56.3sanchez.html

Creating Multiracialism on the Eastside during the 1950s
George J. Sánchez
Two magazine articles published in the mid-1950s pointed to the Boyle Heights neighborhood in East Los Angeles as an “example of democratic progress” to a national audience. The first, published in October 1954 in Fortnight, focused on the diverse group of Boyle Heights residents and organizations that gathered together to fight the proposed $32 million Golden State Freeway that would invade Hollenbeck Park and destroy some of the oldest mansions and social service agencies headquartered on Boyle Avenue. This article claimed that “few districts in America are as ethnically dynamic, religiously and politically tolerant, and community proud” as Boyle Heights. Its population was depicted as more civic-minded than the residents of any other neighborhood, with more than a hundred coordinating councils, fifty community centers and associations, and “probably more social workers per cubic feet of sorrow than anywhere else in the world.”
While this article and a similar one that followed in Frontier in 1955, “U.N. in Microcosm,” both saw the Mexican-American dominated Community Services Organization (CSO) as the most vibrant organization in the Boyle Heights scene, they credited the Jewish community for first instilling a spirit of working together across ethnic lines. “It was the Jews who supplied the initial energy to create ethnic understanding and work-activities on the Heights,” reported Fortnight, while Frontier proclaimed that “the Jews have worked hard for the advancement of the area as a whole.” Both articles referred to the support of the Jewish community for Mexican-American Edward Roybal for city council, even when he ran against “one of their own.” Joe Kovner, publisher of the Eastside Sun and member of the Eastside Jewish Community Center Board, was highlighted as having campaigned vigorously for Roybal and quoted as saying, “Eddie was the best man. What’s good for Boyle Heights is good for the Jews. We keep pounding away on the theme of sticking together. An injury to one is an injury to all.”
These articles were written at a time, however, when Boyle Heights was becoming less, not more, ethnically diverse. By 1955, Mexicans had grown to form almost half of the Boyle Heights residents, and it appeared that their numbers would only increase dramatically over the next few years. The Jewish population, by contrast, had plummeted by more than 72 percent in the past fifteen years, and now made up less than 17 percent of the area’s population. The Boyle Heights community, once considered the centerpiece of Jewish life in Los Angeles, had collapsed in the postwar period due to out-migration. Other ethnic communities, most notably the Japanese American and African American populations, had held steady at less than 5 percent since 1945. Why then, in the wake of Mexican ascendancy and lessened demographic diversity, did Boyle Heights gain a reputation as the seat of “democratic progress” for Los Angeles of the mid-1950s?
The answer lies, in large part, on the actions of a select group of Jewish residents of Boyle Heights in the late 1940s and 1950s that either remained in Boyle Heights or moved into the area as most others were moving out. These residents came from both liberal and leftist political viewpoints and were committed to building a new multiracial community in Boyle Heights, while Southern California as a whole was becoming more suburban and conservative. Fighting the literal geographic movement of Jews into white America, they collaborated with leaders from the growing Mexican American population and from the smaller ethnic communities on the Eastside to leave a legacy of political interracialism, commitment to civil rights, and a radical multiculturalism in Boyle Heights, despite the growing conservative climate of the 1950s. http://muse.jhu.edu/login?auth=0&type=summary&url=/journals/american_quarterly/v056/56.3sanchez.html

I'm always grateful no one hears this terrible racket: the factories inside. I pull into King Taco, Brooklyn & Soto, the door of my face rapidly opening and closing, electric eye busted, insects crawling in and out of my ears. Nobody at the bus stop notices the clatter: that makes me feel safe.

I’m always grateful no one hears this terrible racket: the factories inside. I pull into King Taco, Brooklyn & Soto, the door of my face rapidly opening and closing, electric eye busted, insects crawling in and out of my ears. Nobody at the bus stop notices the clatter: that makes me feel safe.

"It would be tempting to view the demographic transformation of Boyle Heights purely through the lens of ethnic succession, but to do so would ignore the institutional forces that actively sought to racially segregate this once-diverse community. The Jews and other white ethnics didn’t leave Boyle Heights simply because they became more affluent and were better able to afford homes in other parts of Los Angeles. Many left because of government and bank policies that made it easier for them to move out. In 1939, the Federal Housing Authority gave Boyle Heights its lowest possible rating—a grade of 4, mostly due to its diverse demographic makeup. In the Home Owners Loan Corporation City Survey Files, this “melting pot” area was characterized as “hopelessly heterogeneous.” “It’s specifically graded low because it’s seen as a diverse community,” Sanchez notes, “Diversity in terms of population was seen as a negative because it [implied] that the neighborhood was on a downslope.” As a result, Boyle Heights was “redlined.” Young Jews returning from World War II would have found it difficult to secure a bank loan to buy property in their old neighborhood. At the same time, parts of the San Fernando Valley that had previously been closed to Jews were opening up to them. These communities were far more homogenous and had been awarded higher grades, which made it easier to secure bank loan financing." ---http://www.tabletmag.com/jewish-life-and-religion/123270/viva-pastrami

“It would be tempting to view the demographic transformation of Boyle Heights purely through the lens of ethnic succession, but to do so would ignore the institutional forces that actively sought to racially segregate this once-diverse community. The Jews and other white ethnics didn’t leave Boyle Heights simply because they became more affluent and were better able to afford homes in other parts of Los Angeles. Many left because of government and bank policies that made it easier for them to move out. In 1939, the Federal Housing Authority gave Boyle Heights its lowest possible rating—a grade of 4, mostly due to its diverse demographic makeup. In the Home Owners Loan Corporation City Survey Files, this “melting pot” area was characterized as “hopelessly heterogeneous.”
“It’s specifically graded low because it’s seen as a diverse community,” Sanchez notes, “Diversity in terms of population was seen as a negative because it [implied] that the neighborhood was on a downslope.” As a result, Boyle Heights was “redlined.” Young Jews returning from World War II would have found it difficult to secure a bank loan to buy property in their old neighborhood. At the same time, parts of the San Fernando Valley that had previously been closed to Jews were opening up to them. These communities were far more homogenous and had been awarded higher grades, which made it easier to secure bank loan financing.”
http://www.tabletmag.com/jewish-life-and-religion/123270/viva-pastrami

I feel like I'm with friends, the inverted cones that descend from space. Eating tacos of butterflies. Something's not quite right. That's easy to say, but how to fix it?

I feel like I’m with friends, the inverted cones that descend from space. Eating tacos of butterflies. Something’s not quite right. That’s easy to say, but how to fix it?

"While many organizations were providing low-cost financing for houses in the suburbs, such as the Home Owners Loan Corporation and the Federal Housing Administration, and Veteran's Mortgage Guarantee Program, "the FHA refused to guarantee suburban loans to poor people, nonwhites, Jews and other 'inharmonious' racial and ethnic groups" because the value of homes in the neighborhood, according to the FHA, would drop in value (Chudacoff, 270). People of color were not able to get these loans, hence, they were unable to move to the suburbs. This process is known as "redlining." To sum up redlining, the FHA and other organizations would not provide loans to racially mixed communities because they were risky investments. this means that as blacks or other minorities moved in, whites either moved out right away and were paid well for their properties or stayed while the neighborhood became racially mixed and property value decreased. In the end, if they finally sold, they would lose money on their house. Another process used to "persuade" minorities to congregate in the same area was called blockbusting. This occurred when real estate agents told white people that a neighborhood was going to "tip" or become racially mixed. Whites would sell their homes cheaply, and these agents sold them back to blacks at huge profits. Again, these processes segregated neighborhoods. In other words, the government itself supported discriminatory practices by distributing money into white communities and not into those of color. Communities quickly became even more racially segregated because people of color were unable to move and whites did move. When the whites left, their money went with them. So, the jobs weren't there. According to Sclove, "Gradually, a black and Hispanic middle-class did emerge. Its members too fled along the interstate to the suburbs, further draining economic and cultural resources from the inner city. this contributed to the emergence of a new social phenomenon: today's desperately deprived, urban underclass" (Sclove). Entire neighborhoods and communities first became segregated racially, and later, economically, creating the dire urban problems of today. Jalbert sums this whole argument up so well with "Suburbanization was a decidedly white experience enforced by blatant racism, unequal access to economic opportunity, and restrictive housing covenants" (Jalbert). This summarization would be hard to argue against. Housing laws clearly favored whites. A very general scenario tracing two families from the 1940s to today would be as follows. The white family would get a loan and move out of the mixed city into a new, all-white suburb. That family would purchase a house. that house would appreciate in value each year in order to actually earn wealth for this family. Every time they made improvements, such as adding a room or garage or painting a bedroom, or simply remodeling, their house would appreciate in value. Their children would be able to go to decent schools because of where their house is located. The higher property tax base makes the schools good. Their children could pursue a post-secondary education because even if the family didn't have the money in the bank for this to happen, they could take out a loan with their house as collateral or a mortgage on their house. And now for the second scenario... The black family would be stuck in what was once a mixed city. In addition to the original, established, African American community, there would be a large influx of African Americans from the South, as well as persons of Mexican, Caribbean, and Latin American origin. The members of the black family would have to compete against these new people for jobs. In the 1950s or so, the government would decide to build a highway or begin a project of urban renewal in their neighborhood and demolish their house. They would lose any money they invested in their home. They may then be put into public housing if they had no money to buy another house or rent an over-priced apartment. they now exist in high rise buildings gridlocked by elevated highways that cut them off from others and from "living spaces that promote social interaction and daily commerce, social control, and neighborliness" (Venkatesh 9). They have no house to mortgage to send their kids on to school. Their kids would have a hard time anyway because property taxes cannot raise enough to maintain the schools or provide a quality education. for members of the human race, this is a pretty dismal picture. " ---http://voices.yahoo.com/freeways-suburbanization-segregation-386025.html

“While many organizations were providing low-cost financing for houses in the suburbs, such as the Home Owners Loan Corporation and the Federal Housing Administration, and Veteran’s Mortgage Guarantee Program, “the FHA refused to guarantee suburban loans to poor people, nonwhites, Jews and other ‘inharmonious’ racial and ethnic groups” because the value of homes in the neighborhood, according to the FHA, would drop in value (Chudacoff, 270). People of color were not able to get these loans, hence, they were unable to move to the suburbs. This process is known as “redlining.” To sum up redlining, the FHA and other organizations would not provide loans to racially mixed communities because they were risky investments. this means that as blacks or other minorities moved in, whites either moved out right away and were paid well for their properties or stayed while the neighborhood became racially mixed and property value decreased. In the end, if they finally sold, they would lose money on their house. Another process used to “persuade” minorities to congregate in the same area was called blockbusting. This occurred when real estate agents told white people that a neighborhood was going to “tip” or become racially mixed. Whites would sell their homes cheaply, and these agents sold them back to blacks at huge profits. Again, these processes segregated neighborhoods. In other words, the government itself supported discriminatory practices by distributing money into white communities and not into those of color. Communities quickly became even more racially segregated because people of color were unable to move and whites did move. When the whites left, their money went with them. So, the jobs weren’t there. According to Sclove,
“Gradually, a black and Hispanic middle-class did emerge. Its members too fled along the interstate to the suburbs, further draining economic and cultural resources from the inner city. this contributed to the emergence of a new social phenomenon: today’s desperately deprived, urban underclass” (Sclove).
Entire neighborhoods and communities first became segregated racially, and later, economically, creating the dire urban problems of today. Jalbert sums this whole argument up so well with “Suburbanization was a decidedly white experience enforced by blatant racism, unequal access to economic opportunity, and restrictive housing covenants” (Jalbert). This summarization would be hard to argue against. Housing laws clearly favored whites.
A very general scenario tracing two families from the 1940s to today would be as follows. The white family would get a loan and move out of the mixed city into a new, all-white suburb. That family would purchase a house. that house would appreciate in value each year in order to actually earn wealth for this family. Every time they made improvements, such as adding a room or garage or painting a bedroom, or simply remodeling, their house would appreciate in value. Their children would be able to go to decent schools because of where their house is located. The higher property tax base makes the schools good. Their children could pursue a post-secondary education because even if the family didn’t have the money in the bank for this to happen, they could take out a loan with their house as collateral or a mortgage on their house. And now for the second scenario…
The black family would be stuck in what was once a mixed city. In addition to the original, established, African American community, there would be a large influx of African Americans from the South, as well as persons of Mexican, Caribbean, and Latin American origin. The members of the black family would have to compete against these new people for jobs. In the 1950s or so, the government would decide to build a highway or begin a project of urban renewal in their neighborhood and demolish their house. They would lose any money they invested in their home. They may then be put into public housing if they had no money to buy another house or rent an over-priced apartment. they now exist in high rise buildings gridlocked by elevated highways that cut them off from others and from “living spaces that promote social interaction and daily commerce, social control, and neighborliness” (Venkatesh 9). They have no house to mortgage to send their kids on to school. Their kids would have a hard time anyway because property taxes cannot raise enough to maintain the schools or provide a quality education. for members of the human race, this is a pretty dismal picture. “
http://voices.yahoo.com/freeways-suburbanization-segregation-386025.html

But a cop cruiser crosses the Willie Herron mural kitty-corner at the farmacia. It's obscured, defaced, graffitied. The freeway thrashes, a snake fastened to my leg. Epileptic with grief, it gums my boots. My vehicle breathing hot, arms around my neck.

But a cop cruiser crosses the Willie Herron mural kitty-corner at the farmacia. It’s obscured, defaced, graffitied. The freeway thrashes, a snake fastened to my leg. Epileptic with grief, it gums my boots. My vehicle breathing hot, arms around my neck.

"In America, the formation of some of the very poorest parts of the cities or "ghettos" as they are sometimes called are inexorably tied to the formation of the freeways, the enforcement of restrictive covenants and simultaneously, the creation of the suburbs and the forced importance of automobiles. One could not have happened without the others, and combined together, they changed our society inconceivably."  ---Julie Moore

“In America, the formation of some of the very poorest parts of the cities or “ghettos” as they are sometimes called are inexorably tied to the formation of the freeways, the enforcement of restrictive covenants and simultaneously, the creation of the suburbs and the forced importance of automobiles. One could not have happened without the others, and combined together, they changed our society inconceivably.”
—Julie Moore

We marched down the rubberized jogging track along Cesar Chavez to Cinco Puntos, wafting carnitas aroma to the four directions, to gawk at the ugliest war memorial and robotic periscope in Southern Calif.

We marched down the rubberized jogging track along Cesar Chavez to Cinco Puntos, wafting carnitas aroma to the four directions, to gawk at the ugliest war memorial and robotic periscope in Southern Calif.

We lost people to the four corners here. Carribean and Romeo took Aura to the third floor, First St. Mercado to listen to mariachis and drink micheladas. I remarked on the history of Self-Help Grtaphics (now moved down by the river) and erased Siquieros murals in Los Angeles.

We lost people to the four corners here. Carribean and Romeo took Aura to the third floor, First St. Mercado to listen to mariachis and drink micheladas. I remarked on the history of Self-Help Grtaphics (now moved down by the river) and erased Siquieros murals in Los Angeles.

"A case to document the above principles is Boyle Heights community and surrounding areas like the Chavez Ravine. Boyle Heights used to be kind of an immigrant center. before the 1950s and 60s, it had a large Japanese population, who left to be interned for World War II and never returned. it also had a large Jewish population who moved to the suburbs. it this point it became largely populated by Mexicans. It was one of the few places open to them due to restrictive covenants. "Restrictive racial covenants typically excluded the Spanish-speaking from desirable suburbs. the new barrios were established in sections of town that other more affluent groups refused to inhabit" (Bustamante and Castillo 127). Things like freeway construction and urban renewal began to happen in this area and because it was poor, the community did not have the resources to fight the proposals. "Thirty-five years of intense freeway construction eliminated 2,900 homes, displaced 10,000 people and left noise and air pollution in its wake. Schools are crowded. Housing is scarce, and most of the housing that does exist is owned by absentee landlords. Unemployment is higher than in most other areas of the city. There is a sense that the community has little or no political power and is largely ignored by city government (Sahagun 1). According to Sahagun as well, after WWII, the rail lines took ¼ of Boyle Heights western and southern parts. The freeway system including San Bernadino, Santa Ana, the Golden State, Santa Monica and Pomona took another 12% of the land available in Boyle heights. (Sahagun) Four major highways were built through here-two in the 1940s and two in the 1960s. Boyle Heights has suffered greatly. The community is separated into four smaller areas, which has resulted in inadequate services to these neighborhoods. Acuna goes as far as to say that "Two of the most spectacular instances of spatial violation against Mexicans and other poor people in the central city was the displacement of barrios in Chavez Ravine to the north for the construction of Dodger Stadium and the vivisection of Boyle heights and the greater Eastside barrios to make up for the way the East L.A. freeway interchange and several highways that radiated from it" (Acuna). According to Hines, Chavez Ravine was located on a "315-acre parcel of hilly, wooded, and picturesque 'rural' land very near the center of downtown Los Angeles" (Hines 123). At first this area was supposed to become a place for a public housing project, and then it was to house the stadium. As shown, the intermingling of the concepts of segregation, race, and poverty with the concepts of freeway construction, urban renewal programs, and the rise of the automobile is almost as twisted as the cloverleaf freeway." ---Julie Moore

“A case to document the above principles is Boyle Heights community and surrounding areas like the Chavez Ravine. Boyle Heights used to be kind of an immigrant center. before the 1950s and 60s, it had a large Japanese population, who left to be interned for World War II and never returned. it also had a large Jewish population who moved to the suburbs. it this point it became largely populated by Mexicans. It was one of the few places open to them due to restrictive covenants. “Restrictive racial covenants typically excluded the Spanish-speaking from desirable suburbs. the new barrios were established in sections of town that other more affluent groups refused to inhabit” (Bustamante and Castillo 127). Things like freeway construction and urban renewal began to happen in this area and because it was poor, the community did not have the resources to fight the proposals. “Thirty-five years of intense freeway construction eliminated 2,900 homes, displaced 10,000 people and left noise and air pollution in its wake. Schools are crowded. Housing is scarce, and most of the housing that does exist is owned by absentee landlords. Unemployment is higher than in most other areas of the city. There is a sense that the community has little or no political power and is largely ignored by city government (Sahagun 1). According to Sahagun as well, after WWII, the rail lines took ¼ of Boyle Heights western and southern parts. The freeway system including San Bernadino, Santa Ana, the Golden State, Santa Monica and Pomona took another 12% of the land available in Boyle heights. (Sahagun) Four major highways were built through here-two in the 1940s and two in the 1960s. Boyle Heights has suffered greatly. The community is separated into four smaller areas, which has resulted in inadequate services to these neighborhoods.
Acuna goes as far as to say that “Two of the most spectacular instances of spatial violation against Mexicans and other poor people in the central city was the displacement of barrios in Chavez Ravine to the north for the construction of Dodger Stadium and the vivisection of Boyle heights and the greater Eastside barrios to make up for the way the East L.A. freeway interchange and several highways that radiated from it” (Acuna). According to Hines, Chavez Ravine was located on a “315-acre parcel of hilly, wooded, and picturesque ‘rural’ land very near the center of downtown Los Angeles” (Hines 123). At first this area was supposed to become a place for a public housing project, and then it was to house the stadium.
As shown, the intermingling of the concepts of segregation, race, and poverty with the concepts of freeway construction, urban renewal programs, and the rise of the automobile is almost as twisted as the cloverleaf freeway.” —Julie Moore

"When the freeways were built through inner city neighborhoods, people of color were paid, although not well for their houses in order to build the freeways. However, many people of color did not own their houses so they were simply relocated. Many of these dislocated people were forced into housing projects, and these failed widely all over the country. Urban housing was essentially destroyed while suburban housing was on the rise, AND subsidized by the government. Black ghettos were created. Freeways were linked to housing discrimination and apartheid in America. Fotsch contends that "the freeway is part of dominant narratives which view African-American and Latino residents of the central city as largely responsible for the conditions of poverty and violence amidst which they live" (47). Fotsch also calls the freeway "a symbol of isolation and isolatability" (52). Professor Mohl from The University of Alabama at Birmingham said, "Highways cut apart cities, destroying wide swaths of homes and workplaces, disrupting and uprooting communities and forcing many into public housing" in The Interstates and the Cities: Highways, Housing, and the Freeway Revolt, (Mohl 1) He continues to say that, "in retrospect it now seems apparent that public officials and policy makers, especially at the state and local levels used expressway construction to destroy low income and especially Black neighborhoods in an effort to reshape the physical and racial landscapes of the postwar American city (Mohl 1). In Toll Roads and Free Roads, a report by McDonald and Associates, the authors made a strong case that highway planning should take place within the context of an ongoing program of slum clearance and urban development (Wallace). Because land acquisition in these slum areas and highway construction and urban development would result in the "elimination of unsightly and unsanitary districts when land values are constantly depreciating (Wallace). the problem also becomes that suburban residents still came into the city to work, but they no longer paid taxes, which further drained resources. Suburbanites essentially paid nothing for the maintenance in the city. The income tax base that kept the city afloat is gone, so the streets are dirtier and fewer services are provided there. Consequently, people don't want to live there. It is all a big circle. With the creation of the freeways, the importance of cars themselves came to be. People now needed cars to commute to work. "It is widely assumed that Americans' infatuation with cars led to the construction of America's superhighways. But actually when Congress passed the Interstate Highway Act in 1956, car sales were slack, and there was no popular clamor for building a new road system. At the time only about half of American families owned an automobile; everyone else depended on public transportation. Congress was responding to aggressive lobbying by auto makers and road builders, plus realtors who saw profits in developing suburban subdivisions" (Sclove 2). So, the construction of the freeways was first, which brought about the importance of the automobile. Many people thrived with this push, and others did not. This Interstate Highway Act of 1956 changed many things dramatically. "The Act's key provisions included support for bringing highways directly into city centers and earmarking gasoline tax revenues for highway construction. As the interstate highways were built, city and suburban development adapted to the quickening proliferation of autos. Soon more Americans found themselves forced to buy a car in order to be able to shop or hold a job. The Highway Trust Fund, by assuring the rapid atrophy of competing public transit systems, bolstered this trend. (Sclove ). Public transportation was hurt dramatically by the freeway and interstate highway. This highway system of 42,500 roads linked together cities across America while cutting the cities themselves up into tiny, isolated sections. Thus, the car became the symbol for Americans of freedom and modern life. This American reliance on the car didn't just change something; the car changed everything. "Their popularity led to the reconstruction of the cityscape, widened streets, parking lots, gas stations, and, in the post-war era as automobiles became a mass-market consumable, the dismantling of urban trolley systems such as those that once operated in Los Angeles and the Bay Area ((Jalbert). The car changed the very landscape of America. the once-vital urban areas are barren; and people walk aimlessly at the strip malls in the suburbs. Everyone with a car is on the road while public transportation gets sparser and less funding. This harmed inner city residents even more as they are the ones who rely on public transportation. To sum this up thus far, these freeways divided neighborhoods, mostly communities of color. Suburbs mainly consisted of white people, and inner cities consisted mostly of people of color. Whites were typically able to resist the building of freeways in their communities while people of color were not. The suburbs were already racially separated by organizations like the Federal Housing Administration, but now freeways became physical borders between whiteness and color. These freeways essentially served as barriers between the rich and the poor, the white and the nonwhite. Ronald Greene calls this "the racing and placing of populations" (Greene 39). Many, many acres of the inner cities were bulldozed for the creation of these freeways. "Huge expressway interchanges, cloverleafs, and access ramps created enormous areas of dead and useless space in the central cities" (Mohl 12)."  ---Julie Moore

“When the freeways were built through inner city neighborhoods, people of color were paid, although not well for their houses in order to build the freeways. However, many people of color did not own their houses so they were simply relocated. Many of these dislocated people were forced into housing projects, and these failed widely all over the country. Urban housing was essentially destroyed while suburban housing was on the rise, AND subsidized by the government. Black ghettos were created. Freeways were linked to housing discrimination and apartheid in America. Fotsch contends that “the freeway is part of dominant narratives which view African-American and Latino residents of the central city as largely responsible for the conditions of poverty and violence amidst which they live” (47). Fotsch also calls the freeway “a symbol of isolation and isolatability” (52). Professor Mohl from The University of Alabama at Birmingham said, “Highways cut apart cities, destroying wide swaths of homes and workplaces, disrupting and uprooting communities and forcing many into public housing” in The Interstates and the Cities: Highways, Housing, and the Freeway Revolt, (Mohl 1) He continues to say that, “in retrospect it now seems apparent that public officials and policy makers, especially at the state and local levels used expressway construction to destroy low income and especially Black neighborhoods in an effort to reshape the physical and racial landscapes of the postwar American city (Mohl 1). In Toll Roads and Free Roads, a report by McDonald and Associates, the authors made a strong case that highway planning should take place within the context of an ongoing program of slum clearance and urban development (Wallace). Because land acquisition in these slum areas and highway construction and urban development would result in the “elimination of unsightly and unsanitary districts when land values are constantly depreciating (Wallace).
The problem also becomes that suburban residents still came into the city to work, but they no longer paid taxes, which further drained resources. Suburbanites essentially paid nothing for the maintenance in the city. The income tax base that kept the city afloat is gone, so the streets are dirtier and fewer services are provided there. Consequently, people don’t want to live there. It is all a big circle.
With the creation of the freeways, the importance of cars themselves came to be. People now needed cars to commute to work.
“It is widely assumed that Americans’ infatuation with cars led to the construction of America’s superhighways. But actually when Congress passed the Interstate Highway Act in 1956, car sales were slack, and there was no popular clamor for building a new road system. At the time only about half of American families owned an automobile; everyone else depended on public transportation. Congress was responding to aggressive lobbying by auto makers and road builders, plus realtors who saw profits in developing suburban subdivisions” (Sclove 2).
So, the construction of the freeways was first, which brought about the importance of the automobile. Many people thrived with this push, and others did not.
This Interstate Highway Act of 1956 changed many things dramatically. “The Act’s key provisions included support for bringing highways directly into city centers and earmarking gasoline tax revenues for highway construction. As the interstate highways were built, city and suburban development adapted to the quickening proliferation of autos. Soon more Americans found themselves forced to buy a car in order to be able to shop or hold a job. The Highway Trust Fund, by assuring the rapid atrophy of competing public transit systems, bolstered this trend. (Sclove ).
Public transportation was hurt dramatically by the freeway and interstate highway. This highway system of 42,500 roads linked together cities across America while cutting the cities themselves up into tiny, isolated sections. Thus, the car became the symbol for Americans of freedom and modern life. This American reliance on the car didn’t just change something; the car changed everything.
“Their popularity led to the reconstruction of the cityscape, widened streets, parking lots, gas stations, and, in the post-war era as automobiles became a mass-market consumable, the dismantling of urban trolley systems such as those that once operated in Los Angeles and the Bay Area ((Jalbert).
The car changed the very landscape of America. the once-vital urban areas are barren; and people walk aimlessly at the strip malls in the suburbs. Everyone with a car is on the road while public transportation gets sparser and less funding. This harmed inner city residents even more as they are the ones who rely on public transportation.
To sum this up thus far, these freeways divided neighborhoods, mostly communities of color. Suburbs mainly consisted of white people, and inner cities consisted mostly of people of color. Whites were typically able to resist the building of freeways in their communities while people of color were not. The suburbs were already racially separated by organizations like the Federal Housing Administration, but now freeways became physical borders between whiteness and color. These freeways essentially served as barriers between the rich and the poor, the white and the nonwhite. Ronald Greene calls this “the racing and placing of populations” (Greene 39). Many, many acres of the inner cities were bulldozed for the creation of these freeways. “Huge expressway interchanges, cloverleafs, and access ramps created enormous areas of dead and useless space in the central cities” (Mohl 12).”
—Julie Moore

Strolling through East L.A. (in the county, not the city, in "East L.A." and not "Boyle Heights," Selene assured us---Cinco Puntos is the borderline), we crossed to First Street to view the murals atop the First Street Dept. Store and the Pan-American Bank.

Strolling through East L.A. (in the county, not the city, in “East L.A.” and not “Boyle Heights” anymore, Selene assured us—Cinco Puntos is the marked borderline), we crossed to First Street to view the murals atop the First Street Dept. Store and the Pan-American Bank.

The First Street Store (slated to become a charter-run arts high school storefront operation) run left to right through Mexican historical conflicts---"Story of Our Struggle," 1974 Chicano movement style by David Botello and Robert Arenivar, depict that history that runs down the center of Mexicans: Half-Mexican Odd to be a half-Mexican, let me put it this way I am Mexican + Mexican, then there’s the question of the half To say Mexican without the half, well it means another thing One could say only Mexican Then think of pyramids - obsidian flaw, flame etchings, goddesses with Flayed visages claw feet & skulls as belts - these are not Mexican They are existences, that is to say Slavery, sinew, hearts shredded sacrifices for the continuum Quarks & galaxies, the cosmic milk that flows into trees Then darkness                                                  What is the other - yes It is Mexican too, yet it is formless, it is speckled with particles European pieces? To say colony or power is incorrect Better to think of Kant in his tiny room Shuffling in his black socks seeking out the notion of time Or Einstein re-working the erroneous equation Concerning the way light bends - all this has to do with The half, the half-thing when you are half-being Time                             Light How they stalk you & how you beseech them All this becomes your life-long project, that is You are Mexican. One half Mexican the other half Mexican, then the half against itself. - Juan Felipe Herrera 

The First Street Store (slated to become a charter-run arts high school storefront operation) run left to right through Mexican historical conflicts—“Story of Our Struggle,” 1974 Chicano movement style by David Botello and Robert Arenivar, depict that history that runs down the center of Mexicans:
Half-Mexican
Odd to be a half-Mexican, let me put it this way
I am Mexican + Mexican, then there’s the question of the half
To say Mexican without the half, well it means another thing
One could say only Mexican
Then think of pyramids – obsidian flaw, flame etchings, goddesses with
Flayed visages claw feet & skulls as belts – these are not Mexican
They are existences, that is to say
Slavery, sinew, hearts shredded sacrifices for the continuum
Quarks & galaxies, the cosmic milk that flows into trees
Then darkness
                                                 What is the other – yes
It is Mexican too, yet it is formless, it is speckled with particles
European pieces? To say colony or power is incorrect
Better to think of Kant in his tiny room
Shuffling in his black socks seeking out the notion of time
Or Einstein re-working the erroneous equation
Concerning the way light bends – all this has to do with
The half, the half-thing when you are half-being
Time
                            Light
How they stalk you & how you beseech them
All this becomes your life-long project, that is
You are Mexican. One half Mexican the other half
Mexican, then the half against itself.
– Juan Felipe Herrera

Maybe some of this identity politics iconography lets the actual engineers, architects and policy makers of white flight off the hook: "When the freeways were built through inner city neighborhoods, people of color were paid, although not well for their houses in order to build the freeways. However, many people of color did not own their houses so they were simply relocated. Many of these dislocated people were forced into housing projects, and these failed widely all over the country. Urban housing was essentially destroyed while suburban housing was on the rise, AND subsidized by the government. Black ghettos were created. Freeways were linked to housing discrimination and apartheid in America. Fotsch contends that "the freeway is part of dominant narratives which view African-American and Latino residents of the central city as largely responsible for the conditions of poverty and violence amidst which they live" (47). Fotsch also calls the freeway "a symbol of isolation and isolatability" (52). Professor Mohl from The University of Alabama at Birmingham said, "Highways cut apart cities, destroying wide swaths of homes and workplaces, disrupting and uprooting communities and forcing many into public housing" in The Interstates and the Cities: Highways, Housing, and the Freeway Revolt, (Mohl 1) He continues to say that, "in retrospect it now seems apparent that public officials and policy makers, especially at the state and local levels used expressway construction to destroy low income and especially Black neighborhoods in an effort to reshape the physical and racial landscapes of the postwar American city (Mohl 1). In Toll Roads and Free Roads, a report by McDonald and Associates, the authors made a strong case that highway planning should take place within the context of an ongoing program of slum clearance and urban development (Wallace). Because land acquisition in these slum areas and highway construction and urban development would result in the "elimination of unsightly and unsanitary districts when land values are constantly depreciating (Wallace). the problem also becomes that suburban residents still came into the city to work, but they no longer paid taxes, which further drained resources. Suburbanites essentially paid nothing for the maintenance in the city. The income tax base that kept the city afloat is gone, so the streets are dirtier and fewer services are provided there. Consequently, people don't want to live there. It is all a big circle. With the creation of the freeways, the importance of cars themselves came to be. People now needed cars to commute to work. "It is widely assumed that Americans' infatuation with cars led to the construction of America's superhighways. But actually when Congress passed the Interstate Highway Act in 1956, car sales were slack, and there was no popular clamor for building a new road system. At the time only about half of American families owned an automobile; everyone else depended on public transportation. Congress was responding to aggressive lobbying by auto makers and road builders, plus realtors who saw profits in developing suburban subdivisions" (Sclove 2). So, the construction of the freeways was first, which brought about the importance of the automobile. Many people thrived with this push, and others did not. This Interstate Highway Act of 1956 changed many things dramatically. "The Act's key provisions included support for bringing highways directly into city centers and earmarking gasoline tax revenues for highway construction. As the interstate highways were built, city and suburban development adapted to the quickening proliferation of autos. Soon more Americans found themselves forced to buy a car in order to be able to shop or hold a job. The Highway Trust Fund, by assuring the rapid atrophy of competing public transit systems, bolstered this trend. (Sclove ). Public transportation was hurt dramatically by the freeway and interstate highway. This highway system of 42,500 roads linked together cities across America while cutting the cities themselves up into tiny, isolated sections. Thus, the car became the symbol for Americans of freedom and modern life. This American reliance on the car didn't just change something; the car changed everything. "Their popularity led to the reconstruction of the cityscape, widened streets, parking lots, gas stations, and, in the post-war era as automobiles became a mass-market consumable, the dismantling of urban trolley systems such as those that once operated in Los Angeles and the Bay Area ((Jalbert). The car changed the very landscape of America. the once-vital urban areas are barren; and people walk aimlessly at the strip malls in the suburbs. Everyone with a car is on the road while public transportation gets sparser and less funding. This harmed inner city residents even more as they are the ones who rely on public transportation. To sum this up thus far, these freeways divided neighborhoods, mostly communities of color. Suburbs mainly consisted of white people, and inner cities consisted mostly of people of color. Whites were typically able to resist the building of freeways in their communities while people of color were not. The suburbs were already racially separated by organizations like the Federal Housing Administration, but now freeways became physical borders between whiteness and color. These freeways essentially served as barriers between the rich and the poor, the white and the nonwhite. Ronald Greene calls this "the racing and placing of populations" (Greene 39). Many, many acres of the inner cities were bulldozed for the creation of these freeways. "Huge expressway interchanges, cloverleafs, and access ramps created enormous areas of dead and useless space in the central cities" (Mohl 12)." ---Julie Moore

Maybe some of this Aztec identity politics iconography lets the actual engineers, architects and policy makers of white flight off the hook. 

 

 

On the next corner, we stood checking out the Pan-American Bank mosaic murals, which are more Mesoamerican and bloodier than Millard Sheets old Home Savings Murals. I admit, I was sighing that it was not possible to duck into Chalio's for birria.

On the next corner, we stood checking out the Pan-American Bank mosaic murals, which are more Mesoamerican and bloodier than Millard Sheets old Home Savings Murals. I admit, I was sighing that it was not possible to duck into Chalio’s for birria.

Chalio's is a couple doors down, across from the Unique cinema which is now a five and dime store: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EoayzchyBeo

Chalio’s is a couple doors down, across from the Unique cinema which is now a five and dime store: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EoayzchyBeo

Eric Avila so forcefully sums up the entire problem in Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight. "But as racial privilege sustained by redlining, blockbusting, restrictive covenants, and municipal incorporation, as well as by outright violence, federally sponsored suburbanization removed an expanding category of "white" Americans from what deteriorated into inner-city reservations of racialized poverty. The collusion of public policy and private practices enforced a spatial distinction between "black" cities and "white" suburbs and gave shape to what the Kerner Commission, a presidential commission appointed to assess the causes of the 1965 Watts Riots in Los Angeles, identified as 'two species, one black, one white-separate and unequal" (Avila 5).

Eric Avila so forcefully sums up the entire problem in Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight. “But as racial privilege sustained by redlining, blockbusting, restrictive covenants, and municipal incorporation, as well as by outright violence, federally sponsored suburbanization removed an expanding category of “white” Americans from what deteriorated into inner-city reservations of racialized poverty. The collusion of public policy and private practices enforced a spatial distinction between “black” cities and “white” suburbs and gave shape to what the Kerner Commission, a presidential commission appointed to assess the causes of the 1965 Watts Riots in Los Angeles, identified as ‘two species, one black, one white-separate and unequal” (Avila 5).

The hard core made it all the way to 7 Mares for beers and cocteles; these received Poetry Broadside Posters designed by Citlali Foster.

The hard core made it all the way to 7 Mares for beers and cocteles; these received Poetry Broadside Posters designed by Citlali Foster.

Thanks to Ken for organizing the walk, thanks to Ken's mom for organizing Ken, and everybody who came out for any part of it, even the evangelizers haranguing people coming out of the Gold Line. Thanks to Citlali for the pictures. See also: http://www.thetinhorse.com/boyle-heights/

Thanks to Ken for organizing the walk, thanks to Ken’s mom for organizing Ken, and everybody who came out for any part of it, even the evangelizers haranguing people coming out of the Gold Line. Thanks to Citlali for the pictures. See also: http://www.thetinhorse.com/boyle-heights/

his one eye becomes the one eye of war

his other eye becomes the weeping eye of self-regard

his third eye becomes the calculus of rejection

his bowels become the throat of dissimulation

his throat becomes the corridor of rationalization

his determined jaw line becomes the destiny of the child

of honduras whose parents are destroyed by imperialism

his ears become the wing flaps of howling jet fighters

his eyebrows become destroyers on seas of promises

his nostril hairs send out orders to kill

his pores exude names on today’s to-kill list

his smile becomes the poster of the downfall

airship7

 

evergreen cemetery

 

Certain grasshoppers, perfect for making jackknives out of, fetish youth for the assembled aged.

 

Duotone flensing of cutaneous layers, Malibu curl of pink translucence, reminds of when we once smirked.

 

Penetrating waves, ensconced population inside the wire towers of their maneuvering, preserving the desiccated brown lumps of mannerisms.

 

Orbital jujubes, put a violet one under your tongue and one in each discolored cheek, soon you will see out of each nostril.

 

Palm tree palmistry, responsible for blown out heaps of filthy clothing, outside bungalows of flies.

 

Moderate modernism, sometimes oriental or feminine vibrantly sexed, displayed in sunsets compacted in loops of orange and black.

 

Border fixations and calibration, horrible death corners of vile eras, plied with fleeting melancholic oboe.

 

 

 

evergreencemetery

 

 

Flapping magazine doors, sometimes a figure standing in one or a figure standing in two, seashore buzzing even in AZ.

 

Motley whitened eyes, serenity of fertilized eggs and bleat of forgetting, obviated.

 

Stock rumors, expunged in successions of reeking calculation, acrid fumes of fallibility, marginalia.

 

Somebody gone down, motile through pallid striations of vitiated moments, dorsal view.

 

Fungible nothings, extrapolated crumbs, blowhard cuteness, stopping starting, hair weather.

 

bus evergreen cemetery

 

 

bam mas postcards

lali postcard

ray foster postcards

joly jolina postcards

checklist postcards

beer postcards

loteria postcards

postcard fronts

 

 

2012 birthday wishes:

 

  1. rainy ground emitting leafy fragrance on the berry trail
  2. rocky hardscrabble trail gleaming in sunshine glare
  3. grand canyon
  4. eagles watching us kayak green alaskan waters
  5. rain tapping lightly tired shoulders you think about later
  6. clouds drifting off the high slopes—sometimes revealing snow at the top
  7. coffee, birds, reading
  8. walking all over a city
  9. collaborative poem
  10. postcards from anywhere

by Blandine Rinkel in Le Matricule des Anges

le matricule des anges

blandine rinkel on atomik aztex

Blandine Rinkel

Blandine Rinkel

 

and, also:

 

LAccoudoir: Atomik Aztex, de Sesshu Foster – éd. Passage du Nord-Ouest

Publié le 03/06/2013 par 

Atomik Aztek Sesshu Foster 221x300 Atomik Aztex, de Sesshu Foster – éd. Passage du Nord Ouest

 

Atomik Aztex, c’est trois cents pages d’une logorrhée indomptable. Un cheval monté à cru, lancé au triple galop, auquel le lecteur n’a pas d’autre choix que de s’accrocher. Un fleuve de lave en fusion qui avale tout sur son passage, et charrie dans son torrent brûlant toute la culture du XXe siècle. L’histoire ? Impossible à résumer. L’employé d’un abattoir, qui tue des milliers de porcs par jour, s’avère aussi être un guerrier “aztek”, envoyé à la bataille de Stalingrad pour venir en aide aux Russes et coller une déculottée aux nazis. Qu’il soit fou, qu’il ait des visions, qu’il soit véritablement un guerrier aztek ou rien qu’un pauvre baratineur, qu’importe. Qu’importe car l’écriture de Sesshu Foster, électrique, addictive, bravache, ne nous laisse pas le temps de nous poser des questions, emportés par son ton nimbé de mysticisme, perdus entre une irrésistible drôlerie et un pessimisme écrasant.

Sous couvert de dégoiser sans s’arrêter, d’enchaîner des listes interminables et de rire de tout, Sesshu Foster arrive à synthétiser l’Histoire du XXe siècle. Il livre même, mine de rien, l’une des descriptions les plus sidérantes qu’on ait lues sur la bataille de Stalingrad. Entre la viande morte de l’abattoir, la boucherie de la guerre et les légendes précolombiennes,Atomik Aztex se vit comme un roman prolétaire délirant, un digest de tout ce que la contre-culture a pu engendrer – comme le rappelle d’ailleurs sa langue en décomposition, marquée par ces “k” amérikains désuets qu’affectionnaient tant les militants des années 1960. (Il fallait bien un traducteur de la trempe de Brice Mathieussent pour réussir à rendre en français cette orgie de mots concassés.) De la découverte de l’Amérique à l’aliénation de l’usine, en passant par le fantôme d’Isaac Babel, les sacrifices humains et les mouvements chicanos de la Raza, Atomik Aztex nous trimballe dans une odyssée impétueuse, qui fouille la violence de la civilisation occidentale. Un roman en forme d’expérience presque physique, dont on sort vidé, mais ébahi.

TRADUIT DE L’ANGLAIS (ETATS-UNIS) PAR BRICE MATHIEUSSENT, AVRIL 2013, 280 PAGES, 19 EUROS

 

 

from http://laccoudoir.com/romans/atomik-aztek-sesshu-foster-5306/

Royal typewriter

 

l.a. poets:

 

poets from other areas

 

some anthologies

  • edited by Jerome rothenberg: Technicians of the Sacred: a Range of Poetries from Africa, America, Asia, Europe and Oceania; Poems for the Millennium, Vols. 1, 2, 3; Shaking the Pumpkin: Traditional Poetry of the Indian North America;
  • http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AwOMvl5c2iU
  • http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v_KnJnZyxqs
  • edited by cary nelson, The Oxford Book of Modern American Poetry
  • edited by tina chang, nathalie handel, and ravi shankar: Language for the New Century: Contemporary Poetry from the Middle East, Asia and Beyond
June 2013
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